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1. Background
Jordan, officially known as the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, is located in the heart of the Levant, bordered by Palestine, Syria, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia. Since Jordan gained independence in 1946, it has operated as a monarchy under the Hashemite dynasty. Jordan is often recognized for its steady political stability in the region. Understanding Jordan’s ethnic makeup is essential, as a significant portion of its population is of Palestinian descent. According to Anera, the country hosts over two million Palestinian refugees registered with UNRWA, and also approximately 655,000 Syrian refugees registered with UNHCR.
Despite its reputation for political stability, Jordan has been described as one of the most “reluctant” countries in the MENA region to adopt gender-inclusive policies, second only to Egypt (El-Khawand 31). Deeply entrenched familial and tribal values shape many of the country’s social norms and legal frameworks that particularly contribute to the gender norms and inequalities that exist. However, an important paradox persists: Jordanian women represent the country’s highest percentage of college graduates but face consistently high unemployment rates and limited legal and economic opportunities. Jordan has also led the way in women’s political mobilization and inclusion, but still, it has failed to implement their full inclusion in policy and how they are viewed in society, including issues such as Gender and Sexual Violence or their full participation at the highest levels of politics and other male dominated spaces.
Status of Women
In the early 20th century, Jordan was firmly entrenched in patriarchal systems that restricted women’s political, educational, and economic participation. Over the decades, however, legislative and social reforms have helped improve the status of women. According to UN Women, Jordan’s Gender Inequality Index now stands at 47.1, suggesting some progress, though gaps remain. The foundation for gender equality was laid in the 1952 Jordanian Constitution, which introduced the “enshrined principle of equality,” although implementation has proven difficult at times (Al-Zubi Et al. 520). Since then, Jordan has ratified various national and international frameworks, including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) (Al-Zubi Et al. 520). Recent milestones include the 2023 elimination of restrictions on women’s employment in industrial sectors and the enactment of legislation protecting women from workplace sexual harassment under the amended Labor Law.
Jordan’s Engagement with UNSCR 1325 and National Action Plans (NAPs)
Jordan adopted its first National Action Plan (JONAP I) on Women, Peace, and Security in 2018. This three-year plan (2018–2021) was developed by the Jordanian National Commission for Women in coordination with the National Coalition on UNSCR 1325. It included 60 representatives from government ministries, civil society, international organizations, and the security sector (1325 Peace Women). JONAP I claims to have made “significant” progress in enhancing women’s inclusion and participation in peace and security decision-making.
JONAP II (2022–2025) builds upon this foundation by expanding its scope to marginalized groups, including young women, people with disabilities, and refugee communities. It also seeks to address gender-based violence (GBV) “including in the context of crisis” such as COVID-19 and climate change.
Key results from JONAP I include:
- Greater participation of Jordanian women in the security sector, including senior leadership roles.
- Deployment of the Civil Defense Directorate’s first-ever female officer in a UN peacekeeping mission.
- Institutional mapping of SGBV services and national media campaigns to raise awareness.
- Improved access to GBV hotlines and services (though specific metrics remain unclear).
- Increased women’s representation in the judiciary (from 19% in 2017 to 28% in 2021).
Initiatives such as the National Strategy for Women, the Gender Mainstreaming Policy, the National Plan for Human Rights (2016–2025), and the Jordan Response Plan for the Syria Crisis bolster Jordan’s broader gender policy framework including UNSCR 1325. In 2023, Chemonics UK and Generations for Peace hosted a roundtable in Amman, bringing together civil society, religious and community leaders, and members of parliament, including Mayada Al-Shreim. This dialogue-focused space allowed women to share their experiences directly with WPS initiatives, signaling a growing recognition of women’s voices in peace and security discourse. More recently, in March 2025, they held training sessions including six on UNSCR 1325 and awareness of women’s role in this space.
Political Context and Women’s Leadership
Jordan has made measurable progress in advancing women’s political participation, particularly through the adoption of a quota system. The House of Representatives Election Law No. (4) of 2022, building on constitutional reforms and Election Law No. (6) of 2016, reserves 15 parliamentary seats for women across the 12 governorates and four Bedouin districts (Al Zubi and Alroufa 3). It also stipulates that at least one woman must be among the top three candidates on proportional electoral lists (Al Zubi and Alroufa 5). These institutional mechanisms reflect a broader national effort to promote women’s political engagement, something women in Jordan have been working towards since the 1950’s.
A 2024 article in The Jordan Times emphasized that “this [women’s] participation did not come out of nowhere, but was the result of great and continuous efforts by state institutions and civil society, in addition to the royal support that played a pivotal role in encouraging women to engage in the political field” (Jordan Times 2024). This transition from token participation to emerging leadership illustrates the gradual shift in political norms.
Nevertheless, women’s political influence remains constrained by enduring cultural, economic, and social barriers. According to the EU Election Observation Mission, “deep-rooted cultural, social, and economic barriers continue to shape women’s political involvement.” Obstacles such as campaign costs, tribal dynamics, and familial pressures frequently deter women from seeking or sustaining political office. However, recent reforms, such as allowing public sector employees to take unpaid leave rather than resign when running for office, have helped reduce structural deterrents. At the EU-JDID National Conference, The Reality of Women’s Political Participation: Opportunities and Challenges, nearly 100 women, including members of parliament and political party affiliates, received specialized training and guidance. The sessions focused on key areas such as campaign strategies, gender equality promotion, and effective political communication.
Women’s inclusion in Jordanian politics remains partial and vulnerable. True political empowerment is not static because it requires necessary political will that is sustainable and the continual reinforcement of democratic institutions in all parts of Jordan, including the rural areas, immigrant and refugee communities, and the urban centers. While Jordan’s progress is significant, it still falls short of achieving comprehensive and equitable political representation. Ensuring women’s meaningful participation in political life is not only a democratic imperative but also central to advancing Jordan’s commitments under the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda, where inclusive leadership is key to sustainable peace and governance.
Women at the Local Level
Efforts to mobilize women at the grassroots level have advanced through local administrative law, which enhances women’s participation in municipal councils and local development. Civil society organizations and community-based leadership programs have also contributed to this trend, though urban-rural and class divides remain stark. Political parties, the House of Representatives, and the Senate have become more open to women’s voices, but meaningful decision-making power is still limited.
As noted at the beginning of this case study, contexts such as ethnic makeup, religion, age, location or region, and many other factors play a role in a Jordanian woman’s position or status in Jordan. This is especially important in understanding the issues such as GBV, financial status, or political engagement. These factors play out in vastly different ways for a woman in a Syrian refugee camp in Zarqa, the middle region of Jordan, a Christian woman in Madaba, or a woman facing structural economic barriers in Amman. Each of these matters points to the essentiality of comprehensive and fitting UNSCR 1325 and National Action Plan that address the intersectional and stratified needs of the population in a given country. Another prime example is mapping the contrasting percentages of women as the head of homes in Jordan. One researcher found that in Zarqa, one of the most population-dense, diverse, and impoverished cities in Jordan, 71% of the homes are led by women, whereas in Amman, only 15% of homes are “headed” by women. Zarqa hosts one of the largest Syrian populations and hosts a Syrian refugee camp
Women’s Rights and Civil Society
Jordanian women’s rights exist within a complex matrix of constitutional guarantees, legal reforms, and persistent social conservatism. Civil society plays a critical role in navigating and challenging this matrix. As El Khawand (2025) notes, “cultural traditions” and “societal norms” are key to understanding how women perceive their roles. Her interviews revealed how concepts such as family, honor, and modesty continue to shape women’s aspirations and daily lives.
One participant shared:
“Jordanian society has deep-rooted traditions that shape the roles and expectations of women. These traditions often emphasize the importance of family, honor, and modesty. Navigating these traditions and my career ambitions has been a constant challenge.”
Despite high levels of educational attainment, patriarchal attitudes and economic instability constrain women’s advancement. As another source observes, there is an “impact of men feeling socially and emotionally threatened by their wives’ higher social and educational status” (El Khawand 206). Without flexible work environments and institutional support, education alone does not guarantee equality.
Gender-Based Violence (GBV) and Security
While Jordan has taken steps to improve legal protections for women, GBV remains a widespread issue. Women face violence in both public and private spheres, and while GBV hotlines and services have expanded under JONAP I, gaps in accessibility, awareness, and enforcement persist. Crises, such as the Syrian refugee influx and COVID-19, have further exposed these vulnerabilities.
According to a report by GAGE, the Age and gender-based violence facing young people in Jordan, released in 2025, found higher rates of child marriage in the Syrian and Palestinian communities in Jordan. In addition, they found that adolescent brides are particularly vulnerable to intimate partner violence. According to the 2023 Jordan Population and Family Health Survey (JPFHS), 17% of married women between the ages of 20 and 24 reported experiencing abuse by their husbands within the past year (GAGE 3). The likelihood of facing such violence is even higher for those who married before the Age of 18. Data from NCFA and partners (2022) shows that 23% of women in this age group who were married as minors faced physical abuse by their spouses, compared to just 8% of those who married as adults (GAGE 3). Additionally, girls who entered marriage early are more frequently subjected to mistreatment by in-laws, including their mother-in-law (21% versus 8%), sister-in-law (15% versus 5%), and father- or brother-in-law (5% versus 2%) (GAGE 3).
Despite these experiences, young women rarely seek help. The JPFHS (2023) reported that 43% of young women aged 20–24 who had suffered violence had never disclosed it to anyone. This silence is partly rooted in prevailing social norms that view intimate partner violence as acceptable. Among adolescents aged 15–19, two-thirds of boys and half of ever-married girls shared attitudes that justified such abuse.
Emerging Initiatives
Despite the persistent structural barriers women face in Jordan, numerous programs and, most importantly, women themselves are actively pushing for change. Researcher Rana El Khawand recently examined Jordanian women’s perceptions of the disconnect between their high education levels and limited labor market access. She identified several recurring themes: cultural expectations and gender norms that prioritize domestic roles, workplace discrimination, inequities in hiring and promotion, and broader economic and institutional obstacles such as inadequate childcare, restricted mobility, and resistance from male colleagues and spouses who feel threatened by gender equity initiatives (El Khawand 3).
One notable program addressing these challenges is the Sister Streams initiative, launched by the Collateral Repair Project and the Skillful Hands for Empowerment Association, with support from the Australian Embassy’s Direct Aid Program. This vocational training program equips women from Jordanian, Syrian, Iraqi, and Yemeni backgrounds with plumbing, electrical work, and solar energy skills. Beyond technical training, the program challenges gender norms, promoting confidence, independence, and economic empowerment. Despite facing social stigma and community resistance, many graduates have successfully applied their skills in their communities, contributing to a gradual shift in perceptions about women in trades. Read more stories here.
Jordan has also partnered with the World Economic Forum to launch the Gender Parity Accelerator to close economic gender gaps. With one of the lowest female labor force participation rates in the MENA region (World Economic Forum 2023), this initiative brings together the government, private sector, and international organizations—including the Ministry of Planning, UNICEF Jordan, and the Jordanian National Commission for Women. The Accelerator is embedded in broader policy frameworks such as the Jordanian Economic Modernization Vision and the National Strategy for Women.
Key projects under this initiative include supporting the development of women-led formal businesses. Since approximately 44% of employment in Jordan is informal—and women are disproportionately represented in this sector—formalization efforts aim to increase market access and provide essential protections like licensing, health insurance, and social security (World Economic Forum, 2023). Other focus areas include legislation to prevent workplace sexual harassment, closing the gender pay gap, and increasing women’s representation in public and private sectors.
In a related effort, the Wilson Center podcast recently featured Sherry Carlin, former USAID Mission Director in Jordan, who discussed youth employment programs and strategies to dismantle barriers to women’s economic participation.
Another significant factor is the Arab Women Organization (AWO) founded in 1970. AWO advocates for gender equality, social justice, and inclusive democracy, supporting national and regional initiatives. In 2020, AWO launched Arab Women Lead, a regional program focused on combating GBV and strengthening women-led organizations across the MENA region. Recognizing the gap left by larger international actors, AWO emphasizes “capacity sharing,” coordination, and monitoring and evaluation support to elevate local women’s networks and bridge the divide between grassroots organizations and the international humanitarian community. As Program Director Lays Naffa writes, such efforts underscore the essential role of local women’s expertise in advancing the WPS agenda at all levels.
Author: Adysen Moylan
MS Candidate Conflict Analysis and Resolution
WPS Intern, Institute of World Affairs